<\/p>\n
Its leaders take pride in the fact that the GDA is among the first electoral blocs to stay intact through a second election, but it is still lagging far behind its main opponent, the PPP, in terms of electioneering<\/p>\n
Along the Indus and National Highways, extending from Matiari to the northern regions of Sindh, travellers are greeted by the captivating sight of mustard flowers in full bloom. Amid this verdant backdrop, Sindh\u2019s political parties are gearing up for the 12th general elections, scheduled for February 8, 2024.<\/p>\n
In Pakistan\u2019s second-most populous province, the electoral scene is set for a showdown among major political forces: the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P), Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F), Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), and the Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA), among others.<\/p>\n
Given its historic dominance in the area, PPP is the one expected to perform strongly in constituencies in the agricultural belt of Sindh.<\/p>\n
Outside of Karachi, the contest is between with several parties, including the GDA, PML-N, JUI-F, and PPP. The Khairpur-based Pir Pagara-led GDA, established in 2017, is a coalition of several parties and influential figures united by a single goal: to upend the PPP\u2019s dominance in Sindh. The alliance is set to try its luck again on Feb 8, fuelled by what its leadership describes as \u201cnew vigour\u201d.<\/p>\n
The history of alliances formed to counter the PPP in Sindh dates back to the party\u2019s founding by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, be it the nine-party Pakistan National Alliance formed during his era, the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) formed to counter Benazir Bhutto in the 1980s, the Sindh Democratic Alliance (SDA) in 2002 during Musharraf\u2019s regime, or an unregistered ten-party alliance in 2013 and now the GDA.<\/p>\n
The GDA, broadening its coalition, has now allied with the religious right-wing JUI-F and incorporated the ultranationalist Sindh United Party (SUP) \u2014 led by G.M. Syed\u2019s grandson Syed Jalal Shah, into its fold. It also collaborates with the PML-N and MQM, recognising the futility of a solo fight against the PPP.<\/p>\n
SUP joined the GDA in 2023 to bolster its electoral chances in the constituencies of Asif Zardari in Benazirabad and Murad Ali Shah in Jamshoro, despite its ideological disagreements with other component parties in the alliance. Ahead of the 2013 polls, the SUP had signed a seven-point agreement with Nawaz Sharif on Sindh\u2019s core issues, only to face subsequent disappointment.<\/p>\n Former Sindh CM Liaquat Jatoi joined the GDA after leaving PTI in the wake of the May 9 riots. Jatoi had served as CM in the PML-N government, formed after the 1997 elections, while Jalal was the deputy speaker of the Sindh Assembly in an MQM-led coalition. Jatoi parted ways with the party following the imposition of governor\u2019s rule in Sindh after the assassination of Hakim Said.<\/p>\n Former CM Arbab Ghulam Rahim from Tharparkar and Mohammad Khan Junejo, son of the late Shahnawaz Junejo from Sanghar, are notable GDA members challenging the PPP\u2019s stronghold. The alliance also includes former senator Dr Rahila Magsi from Tando Allahyar; and former bureaucrat Bashir Memon, appointed president of PML-N Sindh by Nawaz Sharif. Dr Ibrahim Jatoi from Shikarpur, meanwhile, has joined the JUI-F.<\/p>\n Sindh United Party (SUP) President Zain Shah acknowledges that their engagement with GDA is primarily an electoral strategy. \u201cNationalist parties don\u2019t have a significant vote bank, and the alliance\u2019s component parties have divergent ideologies that the SUP does not share,\u201d he admits. But Shah criticises the PPP for neglecting Sindh\u2019s interests in several areas, including the influx of outsiders, demographic threats, corporate farming land allocations, and the repatriation of immigrants.<\/p>\n The SUP aims to advocate for Sindh\u2019s cause through the parliamentary front, as Shah believes parties often fail to represent Sindh\u2019s issues once in the assemblies. \u201cWe need to speak for our watan [homeland] in elected houses; otherwise, our efforts within the nationalist circle will achieve nothing,\u201d he asserts.<\/p>\n Except for the 2002 elections held under Gen Musharraf, the PPP has consistently formed governments in Sindh. In 2002, the PPP secured 49 direct and 14 reserved seats the in Sindh Assembly, falling short of a majority. A coalition government comprising MQM, National Alliance\/PML-Q, PML-Functional and independents, was formed.<\/p>\n The 2008 elections, following Benazir Bhutto\u2019s assassination in December 2007, saw the PPP win around 90 PA seats, enabling it to form a government in Sindh alongside its administration at the Centre and a coalition government in Balochistan. The National Alliance\/PML-Q, which had previously denied the PPP a majority, was reduced to a mere eight general seats, while the MQM\u2019s tally in the Sindh Assembly improved from 43 in 2002 to 50 in 2008.<\/p>\n Since then, the PPP is the one that has formed governments in Sindh, winning 73 direct and 21 reserved seats (94 in total) in 2013, with the MQM maintaining its 50-seat share and the PML-F holding onto its six direct seats.<\/p>\n In the 2018 elections, the PPP increased its tally to 77 direct (i.e. around 60pc of the house) and 22 reserved seats, totalling 99. The MQM suffered a setback, while the PTI made significant inroads in traditional MQM strongholds, securing 30 seats (23 direct and seven reserved). Muttahida was left with 21 seats (16 direct and the rest reserved) in the 168-seat provincial assembly.<\/p>\n According to the Free and Fair Election Network (Fafen), the PPP captured 38 per cent of the votes in Sindh in 2018 (3,853,904 votes), a significant increase from the 33pc (3,293,330 votes) in 2013. By contrast, in 2018, the GDA had managed to secure 15pc of registered votes (1,514,775) in the province.<\/p>\n PPP scorecard<\/h2>\n